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Buddy Johnson hit
with lawsuit over
county mayor
question
By Jeff Testerman,
Times Staff Writer
Posted: Jul 07, 2008
03:32 PM
TAMPA —
Tallahassee
attorneys filed a
lawsuit against
Hillsborough
Elections Supervisor
Buddy Johnson on
Monday, claiming he
improperly placed on
the 2008 ballot the
initiative question
concerning election
of a county mayor.
The lawsuit,
filed on behalf of
registered voter and
local political
activist James E.
Shirk, says the
county mayor
question cannot
legally be placed on
the 2008 ballot
because it was
valid, according to
the petitions
signed, for only
2006.
Additionally, the
suit says the ballot
title and summary
are misleading as to
the true powers that
would be conferred
on the county mayor
if Hillsborough
voters ratified the
initiative question.
The suit says a
county mayor, as
defined in the
petitions, would
have exclusive power
to appoint assistant
administrators and
execute contracts,
powers which now
require the consent
of the seven-member
County Commission.
Johnson in April
2006 approved the
proposed petition to
amend the county
charter by replacing
the county
administrator with a
nonpartisan, elected
county mayor. In the
following weeks in
2006, the Taking
Back Hillsborough
political action
committee began
collecting
signatures on
petitions indicating
the county mayor
question would
appear on the ballot
"in the next general
election."
The Taking Back
Hillsborough group
failed to collect
enough signatures to
place the question
on the 2006 ballot,
according to
Johnson's office.
But after the group
continued to collect
signatures, Johnson
certified in October
that the county
mayor question could
be placed on the
2008 ballot.
Now, Shirk's
Tallahassee
attorneys, Jennifer
S. Blohm and Ronald
G. Meyer, seek an
injunction
eliminating the
county mayor
question from the
2008 ballot.
"We will seek a
hearing for an
injunction very
soon, certainly in
the month of July,"
Blohm said Monday. |
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Foes debate Hillsborough County mayor idea to full house
By Bill Varian, Times Staff Writer
In print: Saturday, June 21, 2008
TAMPA — The opposing forces on whether to create an elected Hillsborough County mayor are honing their messages as the spotlight begins to shine their way.
Former state Rep. Mary Figg and former Hillsborough Commissioner Jan Platt squared off Friday as pro and con. The event: a joint meeting of the Tiger Bay Club of Tampa and the League of Women Voters of Hillsborough County that drew a capacity crowd.
Figg emphasized the challenges of "governing by committee" in a large urban county, arguing that Hillsborough is the only large county in Florida without a mayor. A second ballot measure, giving the office-holder veto power over commission decisions, would provide checks and balances.
"The question is, does governing by committee work?" Figg asked the roughly 120 people in attendance. She answered herself a bit later: "If you think Hillsborough County's doing just fine ambling along, those two charter questions probably won't interest you."
But if you don't …
Platt, who served on the commission when the county's current governing structure was created in the early 1980s, argued that its creators sought to spread decision-making power in the wake of a corruption scandal.
"It was our opinion that power should dispersed," Platt said, "To save us from ourselves, in other words."
And by the way, she noted, "Everybody is not doing it," debunking Figg's assertion. She noted that Pinellas County has a professional county administrator rather than an elected mayor.
Platt said the mayor's veto power will be tossed out in court if approved by voters in November. Courts, she said, have generally held that county commissions alone have power to set a budget for the county, and the mayor would be unable to overturn a spending vote.
Who let housing office mess get so bad?
In print: Monday, June 2, 2008
We are happy the allegations of insider-dealing and bid-rigging at Hillsborough County's affordable housing office have finally landed on the desk of Robert O'Neill, the acting U.S. attorney who has a history in Tampa of putting corrupt housing officials behind bars. The housing office has been a rats' nest for years, and criminal questions aside, the larger point to answer is why it took County Administrator Pat Bean so long to clean up an office vital to the health and welfare of the community.
Bean gave O'Neill the findings of in-house investigations of the housing office, conducted by the county's professional standards bureau. They paint a picture of a working culture so incestuous it is hard to imagine how poor residents or taxpayers could have been worse served. Among the charges: Housing employees steered work and contracts to family and friends, put people who complained on enemies' lists and openly engaged in official misconduct, doing everything from destroying records and smearing colleagues to hiding outside employment.
O'Neill should take the matter seriously. Federal prosecutors have jurisdiction because federal housing money is involved. The prosecutors' subpoena power could help do what county investigators could not — break through the wall of silence by uncooperative witnesses, several of whom quit their jobs while under investigation by the county. Whether he brings charges, the U.S. attorney could provide a fuller airing of this scandal.
For her part, Bean needs to answer how the problems got to this point. County commissioners have tried to distance themselves by piling on the housing office administrator, but the records make clear the ethical conflicts and back-stabbing far pre-dated the hiring of Howie Carroll. Commissioners need to quit calling for his head and turn their attention to Bean. Her inaction allowed this crisis to fester; as a result, Bill Armstrong has been pulled away from the success he is having at animal control to manage somebody else's mess.
That's sloppy administrating. It took the County Commission only months last year to gut wetlands protections rules after the developers started screaming. Yet it has allowed the housing program for the poor to be mismanaged for years. So much for this board's priorities.
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Hillsborough ballot proposal for county mayor under fire
By Bill Varian, Times Staff Writer
In print: Monday, April 14, 2008
TAMPA — Community activist Gerald White stood before Hillsborough County commissioners last month literally begging them.
Do something to fight a proposal on November's ballot that will create an elected mayor, White implored the board. If the measure passes, he said, African-Americans will see their voices weakened by a concentration of power in one elected official.
"I am afraid and I'm scared that black people will be hurt by a county mayor taking effect," White said. "We will lose political power."
White's concern has risen as criticism No. 1 so far as the fledgling mayoral effort gets organized. It promises to be one of the main continuing points of debate in coming months.
Critics say an elected mayor will wield most of the political might in Hillsborough County in the future. And Hillsborough voters have little history of electing blacks in countywide elections — none in at-large commission races, for instance.
As importantly, they argue that the mayor, particularly one with veto power over commission decisions, would eclipse that board. That includes the District 3 seat, which represents much of central and east Tampa and has produced black commissioners.
"That particular commissioner will have less power if a county mayor is enacted," said Curtis Stokes, president of the Hillsborough branch of the NAACP, which is opposing the measure.
A group called Taking Back Hillsborough County is seeking voter approval to replace the county's appointed county administrator with an elected, nonpartisan mayor. A second ballot question asks whether the mayor should be able to veto commission decisions. A veto could be overridden.
Group organizer Mary Ann Stiles describes the minority voice issue as a smokescreen. She says Hillsborough residents would simply get one more person to elect, someone accountable to them, not commissioners.
A mayor would be hard-pressed to ignore any bloc of voters and expect to get elected, she argues. While the track record is limited, blacks have won countywide political seats, she said. Hispanics have fared better.
"And there certainly hasn't been an African-American appointed to the county administrator, has there?" Stiles said.
No there has not, though commissioners did appoint Renee Lee, who is black, as their county attorney in 2004.
On Wednesday, Lee will seek to grant White's request. She will present commissioners with a draft letter to the U.S. Justice Department asking it to review the ballot initiative. Commission Chairman Ken Hagan will be asked to sign it.
Hillsborough is one of five counties in Florida that face Justice Department supervision of how it conducts elections under the Voting Rights Act, due to past discriminatory practices. The Justice Department must approve changes to the way Hillsborough carries out elections.
However, the Justice Department has said it only reviews changes proposed by government in advance of elections. It won't examine a citizen-driven initiative unless it passes, before it is implemented.
Commissioner Jim Norman, who has pressed the issue on White's behalf, says it should be resolved before the public votes. And Lee's proposed letter requests just that from Justice.
"We were known as sort of a racist kind of county," Norman said. "If that's going to be the issue, we should get it out of the way. I don't want us to have that tag on us."
Popular perception holds that Hillsborough County is under Justice supervision due to discrimination against blacks. Actually, Hillsborough was one of several hundred jurisdictions brought under Justice review in the 1970s for possible discrimination against Hispanics.
The Justice Department held that Hillsborough failed to provide Spanish language ballots and voter information, though at least 5 percent of voters are Hispanic.
Once under supervision, the Justice Department reviews voting changes for how they affect all minorities.
It shouldn't matter one way or another, say supporters of the mayoral initiative, including some black civic activists.
"I'm sensitive to the concerns and remarks from the minority community," said Eric Brown, who owns the information technology firm ROI Consulting. "If you look at how the county mayor is going to be structured, in terms of county commissioners, that's not going to change. You're still going to have representation from the minority community."
He argues that few blacks have run for countywide races. And he argues that the success of Barack Obama's Democratic presidential campaign shows times are changing.
That's a theme tapped by retired banker Bob Samuels.
"We all understand the unfairness of what used to be," he said. "But we can't keep falling back on that."
Hillsborough voter demographics
| White |
69 percent |
| Black |
14 percent |
| Hispanic |
11 percent |
| Unknown |
4 percent |
Asian or
Pacific Island |
2 percent |
| Other |
1 percent |
Source: Hillsborough County Supervisor of Elections
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Amendments would
give
Hillsborough a
mayor, change
how it's run.
By Bill
Varian, Times
Staff Writer
Published March
2, 2008
TAMPA - The
mayor of Tampa
leads a city of
330,000 strong
that is the
region's
economic engine,
home to its
major ports, sea
and air. Her
name is Pam
Iorio. Maybe
you've heard of
her.
St.
Petersburg Mayor
Rick Baker
represents
nearly 250,000
people, oversees
a $680-million
budget and is
credited with
helping spur the
rebirth of his
city's downtown.
He's pals with
Gov. Charlie
Crist.
A group of
civic leaders is
seeking to
create a new
mayoral job to
shepherd a much
bigger swath of
turf than both
cities combined.
They want to
have an elected,
nonpartisan
mayor for
Hillsborough
County.
A supportive
vote by the
public in
November could
dramatically
reshape the
political
landscape in
Hillsborough,
and across the
region.
"I think it's
a huge deal,"
said Scott
Paine, an
associate
professor of
government and
communications
at the
University of
Tampa. "In a
system that
doesn't
currently have a
strong elected
executive, you
are going to
introduce a
strong elected
executive."
That
executive will
be in charge, at
least on paper,
of the region's
largest local
government by
far, not
including the
school district.
The person will
represent nearly
1.2-million
people over
1,000 square
miles, from the
West Shore
business
district to the
tomato fields of
Wimauma.
The person
who wins the job
will craft a
budget that
currently
consumes
$4-billion in
taxpayer dollars
a year on
everything from
garbage pickup
to road
building, and
pays a work
force of 10,000
people.
And he or she
will do so for a
part of Florida
that is growing
quickly.
Given the
stakes, a fierce
battle will play
out in the
coming months
between
proponents of
the measure and
defenders of the
status quo.
Advocates on
both sides
already are
taking up
positions.
Backers of
the measure say
Hillsborough has
reached a point
in its growth
that it needs a
person,
accountable to
the people, to
chart a course
for the future.
The elected
mayor would
replace the
county
administrator,
who is appointed
and fired by the
county's seven
elected
commissioners,
who often have
conflicting
aims.
Commissioners
would still set
policy meant to
guide the mayor,
and would have
to approve the
budget. But the
mayor would have
veto power over
their decisions,
assuming voters
approve a
companion ballot
measure.
Commissioners
would be able to
override a veto.
"This is
about checks and
balances," said
Mary Ann Stiles,
who leads the
group Taking
Back
Hillsborough
County Political
Committee Inc.,
which she formed
to push the
initiative.
"It's about
having a strong
elected person
at the other
side of the
table who can
say no, and who
can be a
leader."
She describes
an elected mayor
as being the
antidote to a
commission that
fails to address
major issues
facing the
county and
busies itself
picking fights
with other
governments.
A vote of
approval would
change parts of
the Hillsborough
County charter,
it's
constitution of
sorts. It would
be the first
major rewrite of
the charter
since it was
created by
voters 25 years
ago in reaction
to a vote-buying
scandal that saw
three
commissioners
arrested.
Predictably,
opponents
include members
of the County
Commission that
could see its
power diminish.
They have voted
to oppose the
mayor and veto
measures, though
it's not clear
yet what form
their opposition
will take.
Despite the
board's media
image,
commissioners
say Hillsborough
County residents
like their
government.
Commissioners
say that has
been proven on
citizen
satisfaction
surveys that
give county
government high
marks.
"They must be
espousing what
the people
believe,
otherwise how
would they be
getting
elected?" said
County
Administrator
Pat Bean, who
would lose her
job if the
ballot questions
pass.
Commissioners
have asked her
to "educate" the
public on the
proposal.
Other forces
are joining
county
officials, from
a long-serving
former
commissioner to
minority groups
and advocates of
the
council-manager
form of
government that
exists in
Hillsborough
today.
They worry
that minority
voices will be
weakened, with
county voters
having almost no
record of
electing
African-Americans
in countywide
political races.
And the proposal
could face legal
challenges on
those grounds.
More
generally,
opponents fear a
general
concentration of
power that shuts
off access to
all but the
wealthy, leading
to cronyism and
corruption.
"Why
interject
politics and
popularity into
something that
ought to be
skill-based?"
asks Beth
Rawlins,
referring to the
task of running
the day-to-day
operation - the
appointed
administrator's
job. Rawlins, a
Pinellas public
affairs
consultant, has
worked with
groups opposed
to mayoral
proposals in
other Florida
communities.
While
proponents
promote having a
mayor
accountable to
voters, Rawlins
notes that
accountability
comes only every
four years, with
plenty of time
between then to
do real damage.
An appointed
county manager
can be fired at
any time.
Former
Commissioner Jan
Platt, perhaps
the most popular
speaker on the
antimayor
circuit so far,
helped write the
current charter.
She said a
county-mayor
proposal was
discussed then
but was passed
over in favor of
a system that
spreads power
rather than
concentrates it.
They opted
instead for a
system with
three
commissioners
elected by all
the county's
voters, and four
chosen in
district
elections. This
gives every
voter a voice in
picking four of
the seven board
members.
Platt argues
that the
proposed change
has problems
that even
mayoral
advocates should
fear. She says
the ballot
language has a
litany of flaws
that may
undermine the
mayor's ability
to set an
agenda.
In general,
she says, it
leaves key
decisions,
including the
mayor's salary,
in the hands of
commissioners
and other
elected county
officials. The
mayor won't have
any control over
spending by the
sheriff, whose
office eats up
more than
one-third of
county operating
costs.
"There's
going to be some
expectation out
there that the
person has some
power, when they
don't have any,"
Platt said.
And so the
battle begins.
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Mayor petition
count reviewed
Opponents of
an elected
county mayor
question the
validity of
the
supervisor's
count.
By Bill
Varian, Times
Staff Writer
Published
February 27,
2008
TAMPA - Some
opponents of
establishing an
elected
Hillsborough
County mayor are
questioning the
validity of
petitions
gathered to put
the measure on
the ballot.
They're
especially
concerned with
Supervisor of
Elections Buddy
Johnson's
recordkeeping of
the mayoral
petitions.
-Boxes
labeled as
holding 28,000
petition forms
in support of
placing the
mayoral question
on the November
ballot contained
2,500 forms in
support of a
separate
question about
whether the
mayor would have
veto power. Did
one set of forms
get counted
toward the
other?
-Within those
boxes were
dozens of
petition forms
listed as
rejected for a
variety of
reasons. Some
were duplicates.
Others came from
ineligible
voters.
-Several
petition forms
were incomplete.
In most cases,
that meant they
failed to
include a second
page that had to
be signed before
it was accepted.
"The
certified
petitions from
that petition
drive should
have been
pristine," said
Beth Rawlins, a
public affairs
consultant. "And
it's chaos."
Rawlins has
led other fights
around the state
against
proposals to
replace
appointed
professional
administrators
with elected
mayors. She was
joined by
others,
including
Hillsborough
political
consultant Louis
Betz, in
reviewing the
petitions
Monday.
Initially,
the group set
out to review
how many
Spanish-language
petitions were
submitted. The
goal was to see
if that would
show evidence
that Hispanic
voters were
being
disenfranchised.
They found
only six
Spanish-language
petition forms
by the time they
had nearly
finished looking
through boxes.
But at least
as disturbing,
said Rawlins and
her cohorts, was
the seeming
mixing of
petition forms.
It makes a
meaningful
analysis nearly
impossible, they
said.
"It kills me
to find boxes
that are
supposed to have
one thing and
have something
else," said Dani
Dahlberg, a
colleague of
Rawlins'. "We
don't know what
we've found, but
it's very
clearly not an
easily auditable
trail."
Johnson
expressed
confidence that
all of the
petition forms
were counted
accurately, then
double counted
and recorded. He
said he could
check any form
against the
computer record
of how they were
counted, if a
question arises.
"The work on
the petitions
was done
meticulously,"
Johnson said.
"What's in the
system, the way
we've recorded
them, is the
official record.
If some were put
back in boxes
that were
labeled other
than that, it
does not affect
the
disposition."
He said his
office will be
happy to look
into questions
about individual
petition forms.
Mary Ann
Stiles, who
leads the group
Taking Back
Hillsborough
County Political
Committee Inc.,
which collected
the signatures,
said any
questions about
petition forms
are Johnson's
problem at this
point. She has
raised concerns
of her own about
whether
Johnson's office
correctly
counted
petitions,
delaying when
she could get
the issues on
the ballot.
She said
petition
gatherers had
Spanish-language
forms and that
the small number
submitted
doesn't mean
anything anyway.
Many Hispanic
voters likely
signed English
language forms,
she said.
"I can't
answer for the
supervisor and
what he does,"
Stiles said. "I
would not
surprised if
they're all
confused."
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“Poor leadership hobbles
county”
A Times Editorial
Published March 21, 2006
There is a
malaise in
Hillsborough
County, and it
comes from poor
leadership. On
issue after
issue this year,
the County
Commission has
seemed almost
paralyzed by the
challenge of
managing the
fourth-largest
county in the
fourth-largest
state. Members
do not bring the
right skill sets
to the table,
the policymaking
process is
closed and the
commission
resists looking
for solutions
that would
stretch beyond
the next
election or the
county line.
Last week's
decision by
commissioners to
scuttle an
earlier attempt
to kill local
rules protecting
wetlands
symbolized how
they wing it on
major policy
decisions. Four
of the seven
members - Brian
Blair, Jim
Norman, Kevin
White and Ken
Hagan - reversed
their votes in
the face of
heavy criticism.
But political
expediency
routinely is the
driving force
for the
commission
instead of any
long-term
vision.
Pick any
major issue:
transportation,
budget
priorities,
economic
development, the
environment.
Rather than
connect the
dots, and marry,
for example,
growth with
environmental
policy, the
commission
treats these
matters
piecemeal. That
invariably
ensures that one
step forward
results in two
steps back. A
transportation
plan Hagan
conceived and
the board
approved this
month will
worsen sprawl in
the very suburbs
already crawling
with traffic,
and add stress
to the
environment in a
county
struggling to
generate new
water supplies.
Commissioners
are caught up in
their own pet
projects or
political
frustrations,
and they lose
sight of the big
picture because
no one on the
board or among
the senior staff
can articulate a
vision. Hagan,
who wants Pasco
residents to pay
for their impact
on Hillsborough
roads, floated
an idea last
week to put a
toll booth on
the county line.
This is the
commissioner who
sits on a new
regional
transportation
cooperative.
Members talk up
sports as a way
to fill hotel
rooms but then
balk at
repairing the
convention
center, Tampa's
biggest hotel
draw.
Commissioner
Mark Sharpe has
had to beg his
colleagues to
invest in mass
transit and help
diversify the
economy, even as
road funds
dwindle and
incomes suffer
in
service-sector
jobs. The
public, seeing
this disconnect,
must wonder: Is
anyone in
charge?
The board's
priorities are
small potatoes.
Sports, toll
booths,
nickel-and-diming
the
infrastructure -
these are not
the strategies
for communities
moving forward.
This lack of
vision is one
reason why
activists
succeeded in
putting a county
mayor on the
2008 ballot. The
public sees the
board lacking
not only
leadership, but
competence. It
sees the
administration
as having
settled into the
role of an
enabler. The
wetlands debacle
didn't help and
illustrated once
again that
commissioners
have no guiding
principles
beyond
self-survival. A
county of
1.2-million
residents
deserves better.
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“Making the case for
elected mayor”
A Times Editorial
Published March 21, 2006
Hillsborough
commissioners are doing their best
to make the argument for an elected
county mayor. Commissioners,
assuming that voters are stupid,
have deputized the county
administrator to act as their
"spokesman" in the debate. That is a
clear violation of the county
charter, which bars appropriating
staff or tax dollars for political
causes. But commissioners aren't
stopping there. They also are
considering making it harder to
create a county mayor by changing
the rules to increase the margin by
which voters would have to approve
charter amendments.
The commissioners'
meeting last week looked like a
spoof on those Soviet-era Central
Committee meetings, with the board
and its hand-picked top executives
massaging the law and the English
language to rationalize their wrong.
The charter is clear: "The county
administrator shall not ... take
part in any political activity other
than voting." Same goes for the
county attorney, who by a recent,
unfortunate electoral change, works
directly for the same board that
wants to hear the scheme is legal.
Concerned that politicizing the
staff would violate the charter,
Commissioner Tom Scott kicked off
the word games. "The term "campaign'
needs to be stricken," he said. "We
need to find another word."
Commissioner Brian Blair and
administrator Pat Bean joined heads.
"We could do, start a - an
information, an information - I
don't want to call it a campaign,
but for - " Bean interjects:
"Sharing. Sharing of information."
Replies Blair: "Sharing of
information, yeah."
Anyone can see what
the board is doing and project how
Bean, its appointee, will frame the
mayoral debate. Indeed, Bean said
she told an audience the day before
that the commissioner-manager was "a
good form of government." Scott,
Blair and others think the campaign
is needed because "the average
citizen" doesn't read or understand
and likely "couldn't care less"
about ballot amendments. Yet even if
using tax dollars were allowed, why
should voters accept the arguments
of a board that already has peddled
disinformation about the charter
change?
The board's decision
to examine increasing the threshold
required for the measure to pass
also shows contempt for voters.
Requiring a supermajority makes it
harder for people to control their
own government. It gives the status
quo a window to manipulate
minorities by exploiting fear and
doubt. By taking this route, the
commissioners demonstrate the lack
of intellectual honesty they bring
to the debate. Call it "information
sharing" or whatever fits, the spin
campaign is already full-bore. This
is your tax dollars at work.
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St.
Petersburg Times Article
Published December 4, 2005
Written by Bill Varian
“A fiery entry into County politics”
There
weren't any fancy recreation centers for kids to gather
in the working-class neighborhood where lawyer and
lobbyist Mary Ann Stiles grew up.
But
there was an old, abandoned building in that part of
Orient Park, so the teenage Stiles got other
neighborhood children to bring a can of white paint and
cleaning supplies. She sold doughnuts to pay for what
they couldn't afford.
They
fashioned a passable clubhouse, brought in a "hi-fi,"
and the old building blossomed into their Saturday night
dance hall.
"She's
just always been the sort of person who, when she saw
something that needed done, she just jumped in and did
it," said Barbara J. Newberger, a fellow lobbyist who
grew up with Stiles.
She
did it while shepherding most of her 10 siblings while
her parents worked, then later putting herself through
college and law school starting at age 26. She has done
it as general counsel for one of the state's most
powerful business lobbies, Associated Industries of
Florida.
Now
Stiles, 61, is jumping in again, seeking to reshape
Hillsborough government by creating a county mayor post.
She believes the county has run amok, consumed with
petty, parochial issues, and that she's just the one to
fix it.
"I'm
used to a fight," Stiles said. "I'm not afraid of
anyone. I like to fight."
Stiles
has formed a group called Taking Back Hillsborough
County Political Committee Inc. as a first step toward
putting the idea of a county mayor on the ballot. She
plans to form other groups to address pressing county
issues and back candidates.
All
this began in October, after commissioners voted to
create a study group to examine the county's bus agency,
Hillsborough Area Regional Transit Authority. Their aim:
Better service for unincorporated areas, meaning outside
Tampa city limits.
Stiles' Hyde Park-based law firm, Stiles, Taylor &
Grace, was serving as HARTline's state lobbyist. She
quit in protest, saying the county was wrongly injecting
itself into another government's business in a way she
fears will harm service for poor people.
Then
she vowed to do something about it.
Her
resignation and pledge to become active in local
politics didn't draw much attention. Stiles isn't
exactly a household name in Tampa.
But it
could be a development worth watching as the 2006
political season heats up. Stiles is no warm and fuzzy
granola eater with starry notions and little
understanding of politics.
She
has spent much of the last three decades in Tallahassee,
where politicians know her name well, mostly working on
behalf of big business and insurance companies. She
played a central role in a rewrite of workers'
compensation laws in 2003 that trimmed lawyers fees and
limited their clients' ability to pursue legal
challenges.
Her
Associated Industries clients also have been helping to
ensure the politicians who support their causes get
re-elected, aiding in the Republican takeover of the
Legislature. That didn't help Stiles when she ran
unsuccessfully for a state House seat in 1986 as a
Democrat.
Still,
Stiles' work on behalf of big business is considered
pioneering in a city where, for years, female lobbyists
were relegated to so-called soft issues, such as
education and health care.
"Had
Mary Ann not sort of trailblazed the way, I would not
have been here," said Tamela Perdue, 34, who manages the
Stiles firm's Tallahassee office.
The
work has paid off financially for Stiles, and that will
aid her new endeavor.
Brian
Blair is the commissioner serving as chairman of the
HARTline study committee. Stiles said she backed him in
the election with a campaign check, and wishes she
hadn't.
He
suggests she is motivated by anger, and said he thinks
she feared that scrutiny of HARTline would highlight the
$60,000 her firm was paid annually.
"I'm
looking out for the taxpayer, and if that cuts off one
of her money faucets, I'm sorry," Blair said.
That's
ridiculous, Stiles said.
Stiles' law firm has offices in six cities, with 35
lawyers scattered from Miami to Atlanta, specializing
largely in workers' compensation defense for businesses.
She owns 42nd Street Bistro; the Harbour 42 Cafe on Harbour Island;
and a hair salon. She also is a founding shareholder of
Platinum Bank.
She is
married to Barry Smith, who played football at Florida
State and for the Green Bay Packers and Tampa Bay
Buccaneers, and who now works in sports marketing. They
own an Avila home valued by the Property Appraiser's
Office at just more than $1-million and have secured a
$2-million penthouse in Trump Towers. She
also owns the buildings housing her law offices in
Tampa
and Tallahassee and part of the land and building
housing 42nd Street.
People
who know her warn not to underestimate how much time
Stiles will put into the effort.
"She's
extremely bright and she works around the clock," said
Jon Shebel, the longtime head of Associated Industries
and its insurance company affiliates. "I talk to Mary
Ann 20 times a day."
Stiles
points to her roots in explaining her sudden interest in
local politics.
Her
parents divorced when she was in grade school. Her
father remarried, and the combined families brought the
number of children to 11.
They
moved around Hillsborough
County, from a place known as Providence (now owned by
fertilizer giant Cargill), to Riverview to the Orient
Park area that she called Six Mile Creek. The family
raised its own food, and there often wasn't enough,
particularly when her father was on strike at an east
Tampa tin can factory.
Newberger, the fellow lobbyist who grew up with Stiles,
remembers a girl about four years older who acted as her
big sister. When Stiles learned Newberger had never had
a birthday party, she made sure her seventh was grand,
sending out construction paper invitations to her
classmates.
When
the two were older and working as legal secretaries,
Newberger said Stiles complained regularly about working
so hard only to see the lawyers make all the money. One
day she announced she was going to law school. She was
26.
"I
said you'll need to get a college degree first,"
Newberger said.
Stiles
did, first getting an associate's degree at what is now
Hillsborough Community College, then a bachelor's at
Florida State University. She moved next to what was
then called Antioch School of Law in Washington, D.C.
While
at FSU, Stiles worked on the legislative staff,
successfully crafting a bill Associated Industries
opposed. When Stiles later went to Shebel looking for a
reference letter, he hired her instead.
Stiles
opened her law firm in 1982, and her siblings and other
relatives have formed much of her staff through the
years.
Beth
Leytham, now a public relations executive, got her first
job in Tampa as a secretary for Stiles. She said Stiles
served as an early mentor to her, someone she saw
advancing herself by her own tenacity and smarts while
supporting much of her family along way. She was someone
not intimidated by strong personalities.
Stiles
will face plenty of opposition if she manages to collect
enough signatures to place the county mayor question on
the ballot. Most of the county's seven commissioners,
who would lose power under such a system, oppose the
idea.
Former
County Commissioner Jan Platt is one opponent. She
helped reform the commission, turning to the current
seven-member system after a bribery scandal, and has
long held the belief that it would concentrate too much
power in one person.
Commission Chairman Jim Norman, who as the longest
serving current member of the board, calls it a bad
idea.
He
said the current system gives residents a chance to
reach their elected representatives by giving them seven
equally powerful people to contact. He believes a
mayoral system would shut down that access to all but
those with enough money to contribute to political
campaigns.
"You
have folks who would like to just have that investment
in one person," Norman said. "Follow the money."
Previous efforts to create a county mayor have died
before being put on the ballot. Stiles wants at least to
put it to a vote.
"The
people may decide it's not what they want, but at least
they have that choice," Stiles said.
Times
researcher Cathy Wos contributed to this report.
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